Because JFK stopped the invasion of Cuba, and then ordered all US troops out of Vietnam, LBJ & Geo HW Bush
killed President Kennedy, to RE-start the Vietnam war.
The company traces its origins to Zapata Oil,
founded in 1953 by future-U.S. President George H. W. Bush, along with his business partners John Overbey, Hugh Liedtke, Bill Liedtke, and Thomas J. Devine. Bush and Thomas J. Devine were oil-wildcatting associates. Their joint activities culminated in the establishment of Zapata Oil. The initial $1 million investment for Zapata was provided by the Liedtke brothers and their circle of investors,
by Bush's father and maternal grandfather—Prescott Bush and George Herbert Walker, and his family circle of friends.
Hugh Liedtke was named president, Bush was vice president; Overbey soon left. In 1954, Zapata Off-Shore Company was formed as a subsidiary
of Zapata Oil, with Bush as president of the new company. He raised some startup money from Eugene Meyer, publisher of theWashington Post, and his son-in-law, Phillip Graham.
Off-Shore accepted an offer from an inventor, R. G. LeTourneau, for the development of a mobile but secure drilling rig. Zapata advanced him $400,000, which was to be refundable if the
completed rig did not function. If it did function, LeTourneau would get an additional $550,000 together with 38,000 shares
of Zapata Off-Shore common stock.
Zapata Corporation split in 1959 into independent companies Zapata Petroleum, headed by the Liedtkes,and
Zapata Off-Shore, headed by Bush funded with $800,000. Bush moved his offices and family that year from Midland, Texas to Houston. In 1963, Zapata Petroleum merged withSouth Penn Oil and other companies to become Pennzoil.
to a George H. W. Bush-biographer Nicholas King, in the late-1950s and early-1960, Zapata Off-Shore concentrated its business
in the Caribbean, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Central American coast. The U.S. government began to auction off mineral rights to these areas in 1954. In 1958, drilling contracts with
the seven large U.S. oil producers included wells 40 miles (64 km) north of Isabela, Cuba, near the islandCay Sal. In July 1959, Cuba's Batista government was overthrown by Fidel Castro. Zapata also won a contract with Kuwait.
Bush was joined in Zapata Off-Shore by a fellow Yale Skull and Bones member, Robert Gow. By 1963, Zapata Off-Shore had four operational oil-drilling rigs—Scorpion (1956), Vinegaroon (1957), Sidewinder, and
(in the Persian Gulf) Nola III.
In 1960, Jorge Diaz Serrano of Mexico was put in touch with Bush by Dresser. They created a new company, Perforaciones Marinas del Golfo, aka Permargo, in conjunction with Edwin Pauley of Pan American Petroleum, with whom Zapata had a previous offshore contract. The deal with Pemargo is not mentioned in Zapata's annual reports. A
Bush spokesman in 1988 claimed the deal only lasted seven months, from March to September 1960. Zapata sold Nola I to Pemargo
1964, Zapata Off-Shore had a number of subsidiaries, including: Seacat-Zapata Offshore Company (Persian Gulf), Zapata de Mexico,
Zapata International Corporation, Zapata Mining Corporation, Zavala Oil Company, Zapata Overseas Corporation, and a 41% share
of Amata Gas Corporation.
Bush ran for the United States Senate in 1964 and lost; he continued as president of Zapata Off-Shore until 1966, when he sold his interest to his business
partner, Robert Gow, and ran for the U.S. House of Representatives.
In 1966, William Stamps Farish III, age 28, joined the board Zapata Board.
Zapata's filing records with the U.S.Securities and Exchange Commission are intact for the years 1955-1959, and again from 1967 onwards. However, records for the years 1960-1966 are missing.
The commission's records officer stated that the records were inadvertently placed in a session file to be destroyed by a
federal warehouse and that a total of 1,000 boxes were pulped in this procedure. The destruction of records occurred either
in October 1983 (according to the records officer) or in 1981 shortly after Bush became Vice President of the United States(according to, Wison Carpenter, a record analyst with the commission).
Connections with the CIA
Various writers have suggested that
Zapata Off-Shore, and Bush in particular, cooperated with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) beginning in the late 1950s.
FBI and CIA memos
Two Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) memoranda have been offered to show connections between the CIA and George H. W. Bush during his time at Zapata.
The first memo names Zapata Off-Shore and was written by FBI Special Agent Graham Kitchel on 22 November 1963, regarding the John F. Kennedy assassination at 12:30 p.m. CST that day. It begins: "At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE H. W. BUSH, President of the Zapata Off-Shore Drilling
Company, Houston, Texas, residence 5525 Briar, Houston, telephonically furnished the following information to writer. .. BUSH
stated that he wanted to be kept confidential. .. was proceeding to Dallas, Texas, would remain in the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel."
A second FBI memorandum,
written by J. Edgar Hoover, identifies "George Bush" with the CIA. It is dated 29 November 1963 and refers to a briefing given Bush on 23 November.
The FBI Director describes a briefing about JFK's murder "orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence
Agency. .. [by] this Bureau" on "December 20, 1963.
When this second memorandum surfaced during the 1988 presidential campaign, Bush spokespersons
(including Stephen Hart) said Hoover's memo referred to another George Bush who worked for the CIA. CIA spokeswoman Sharron Basso suggested it was referring to a George William Bush. However, others described this
G. William Bush as a "lowly researcher" and "coast and beach analyst" who worked only with documents and photos at the CIA
in Virginia from September 1963 to February 1964, with a low rank of GS-5. Moreover, this G. William Bush swore an affidavit in federal court denying that Hoover's memo referred to him:
"I have carefully
reviewed the FBI memorandum to the Director, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Department of State dated November 29, 1963
which mentions a Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency. ... I do not recognize the contents of the memorandum
as information furnished to me orally or otherwise during the time I was at the CIA. In fact, during my time at the CIA, I
did not receive any oral communications from any government agency of any nature whatsoever. I did not receive any information
relating to the Kennedy assassination during my time at the CIA from the FBI. Based on the above, it is my conclusion that
I am not the Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency referred to in the memorandum." (United States District
Court for the District of Columbia, Civil Action 88-2600 GHR, Archives and Research Center v. Central Intelligence Agency, Affidavit
of George William Bush, September 21, 1988.)
Allegations by former CIA staff
US Army Brigadier General Russell Bowen wrote that there was a cover-up of Zapata's CIA connections:
Bush, in fact, did work directly with
the anti-Castro Cuban groups in Miami before and after the Bay of Pigs invasion, using his company, Zapata Oil, as a corporate
cover for his activities on behalf of the agency. Records at the University of Miami, where the operations were based for
several years, show George Bush was present during this time.
Another writer quotes four former U.S. intelligence officials saying Bush was involved with the CIA prior to the Bay of Pigs:
Robert T. Crowley and William Corson of the CIA:
Bush was officially considered a CIA business asset, according to Crowley and Corson.
"George's insecurities were clay to someone like Dulles", William Corson said. To recruit young George Bush, Robert Crowley
explained, Dulles convinced him that "he could contribute to his country as well as get help from the CIA for his overseas
business activities." [Bush] was, according to Corson, "perfect at talent spotting and looking at potential recruits
for the CIA. You have to remember, we had real fears of Soviet activity in Mexico in the 1950s. Bush was one of many businessmen
that would be reimbursed for hiring someone the CIA was interested in, or simply carrying a message." --Chapter 2 page 14
John Sherwood of the CIA:
Bush was at first a tiny part of OPERATION MONGOOSE, the CIA's code name for their anti-Castro
operations. According to the late John Sherwood, "Bush was like hundreds of other businessmen who provided the nuts-and-bolts
assistance such operations require... What they mainly helped us with was to give us a place to park people that was discreet." --Chapter 2 page 16
An anonymous official connected to "Operation Mongoose":
George Bush would be given a list of names of Cuban oil workers we would want placed in jobs... The oil platforms he
dealt in were perfect for training the Cubans in raids on their homeland. --Chapter 2 page 16
John Loftus, in his book Secret War quotes former U.S. intelligence officials reporting the same
The Zapata-Permargo deal caught the eye of Allan Dulles, who the "old spies" report was the man who recruited
Bush's oil company as a part time purchasing front for the CIA. Zapata provided commercial supplies for one of Dulles' most
notorious operations: the Bay of Pigs Invasion. --Chapter 16 page 368
Finally, according to Cuban intelligence official Fabian
Escalante in The Cuba Project: CIA Covert Operations 1959-62, Jack Crichton and George H.W. Bush raised funds
for the CIA's Operation 40.
"Tracy Barnes functioned as head of the Cuban Task Force. He called a meeting on January 18,
1960, in his office in Quarters Eyes, near the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, which the navy had lent while new buildings
were being constructed in Langley. Those who gathered there included the eccentric Howard Hunt, future head of the Watergate
team and a writer of crime novels; the egocentric Frank Bender, a friend of Trujillo; Jack Esterline, who had come straight
from Venezuela where he directed a CIA group; psychological warfare expert David A. Phillips, and others. The team responsible
for the plans to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954 was reconstituted, and in the minds of all
its members this would be a rerun of the same plan. Barnes talked at length of the goals to be achieved. He explained that
Vice-President Richard Nixon was the Cuban "case officer", and had assembled an important group of businessmen headed by George
Bush [Snr.] and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for [Operation 40]. Nixon was a protege
of Bush's father [Prescott], who in 1946 had supported Nixon's bid for congress. In fact, [Presott] Bush was the campaign
strategist who brought Eisenhower and Nixon to the presidency of the United States. With such patrons, Barnes was certain
that failure was impossible." --Page 43-44
Fabian Escalante was in the Department of State Security (G-2) in Cuba in 1960.
At the time of the Bay of Pigs, Escalante was head of a counter-intelligence unit and was part of a team investigating a CIA operation called Sentinels
of Liberty, an attempt to recruit Cubans willing to work against Castro. His information about Bush apparently comes from
a counterintelligence operation against Tracy Barnes of the CIA.
of the involvement of a former CIA officer in the foundation of Zapata
On January 8, 2007, newly released internal CIA documents
revealed that Zapata had in fact emerged from Bush's collaboration with a covert CIA officer in the 1950s. According to a
CIA internal memo dated November 29, 1975, Zapata Petroleum began in 1953 through Bush's joint efforts with Thomas J. Devine,
a CIA staffer who had resigned his agency position that same year to go into private business, but who continued to work for
the CIA under commercial cover. Devine would later accompany Bush to Vietnam in late 1967 as a "cleared and witting commercial asset" of the agency, acted as his informal foreign affairs advisor,
and had a close relationship with him through 1975.
Bay of Pigs
The CIA codename for the Bay of Pigs invasion of April 1961 was "Operation
Zapata". Through his work with Zapata Off-Shore, Bush is alleged to have come into contact with Felix Rodriguez, Barry Seal, Porter Goss, and E. Howard Hunt, around the time of the Bay of Pigs operation.
liaison officer Col. L. (Leroy) Fletcher Prouty alleges that Zapata Off-Shore provided or was used as cover for two of the ships used in the Bay of Pigs invasion: the Barbara
J and Houston. Prouty claims he delivered two ships to an inactive Naval Base near Elizabeth City, North Carolina, for a CIA contact and he suspected very strongly that George Bush must have been involved:
They asked me to see if we could
find – purchase – a couple of transport ships. We got some people that were in that business, and they went along
the coast and they found two old ships that we purchased and sent down to Elizabeth City and began to load with an awful lot
of trucks that the Army was sending down there. We deck-loaded the trucks, and got all of their supplies on board. Everything
that they needed was on two ships. It was rather interesting to note, looking back these days, that one of the ships was called
the Houston, and the other ship was called the Barbara J. Colonel Hawkins had renamed the program as we selected a name for
the Bay of Pigs operation. The code name was "Zapata." I was thinking a few months ago of what a coincidence that is. When
Mr. Bush graduated from Yale, back there in the days when I was a professor at Yale, he formed an oil company, called "Zapata",
with a man, Lieddke, who later on became president of Pennzoil. But the company that Lieddke and Mr. Bush formed was
the Zapata Oil Company. Mr. Bush's wife's name is Barbara J. And Mr. Bush claims as his hometown Houston, Texas. Now the triple
coincidence there is strange; but I think it's interesting. I know nothing about its meaning. But these invasion ships were
the Barbara J and the Houston, and the program was "Zapata." George Bush must have been somewhere around.
John Loftus writes: "Prouty's credibility, however has been widely attacked because of his consultancy to Oliver
Stone's film JFK." but notes on page 598 that: "While his credibility has suffered greatly because of his consultancy
to Oliver Stone's film JFK, his recollections about the CIA supply mission have been confirmed by other sources."
researcher James K. Olmstead claims to have discovered a CIA memorandum which states that the boats were leased, not purchased,
by the Garcia Line Corporation with offices in Havana and New York City. The owners were Alfredo Garcia and his five sons. The CIA was using the Rio Escondido for "exfiltrating
anti-Castro leaders......prior to 1961 BOP planning." It had brought out Nino Diaz, and Manolo Ray. Its captain Gus Tirado
was well known to the CIA. Eduardo Garcia met with two CIA agents in NYC and D.C. to arrange the use of the Garcia ships for
the invasion. The alleged price was $600.00 per day per ship plus fuel, food and personnel.
Eduardo selected and hired 30 men who were
"executioners for Batista" Miro Cardona of the Frente and the CIA did not like the choice of men hired to protect the Garcia
ships. "Nobody questioned that Eduardo was coming along with the expedition. "I'm going to be in charge of my ships", he said.
the Chief of WH/4/PM, Central Intelligence Agency (Hawkins) to the Chief of WH/4 of the Directorate for Plans (Esterline)
The Barbara J (LCI), now enroute to the United States from Puerto Rico, requires repairs which may take up to two weeks for completion. The sister ship, the Blagar, is outfitting in Miami, and
its crew is being assembled. It is expected that both vessels will be fully operational by mid-January at the latest. In view
of the difficulty and delay encountered in purchasing, outfitting and readying for sea the two LCI's, the decision has been
reached to purchase no more major vessels, but to charter them instead. The motor ship, Rio Escondido (converted LCT) will
be chartered this week and one additional steam ship, somewhat larger, will be chartered early in February. Both ships belong
to a Panamanian Corporation controlled by the Garcia family of Cuba, who are actively cooperating with this Project. These two ships
will provide sufficient lift for troops and supplies in the invasion operation.
The Bay of Pigs operation was directed out
of the "Miami Station" (also known as "JM/WAVE"), which was the CIA's largest station worldwide. It housed 200 agents who
handled approximately 2,000 Cubans. Robert Reynolds was the CIA's Miami station chief from September 1960 to October 1961.
He was replaced by career-CIA officer Theodore Shackley, who oversaw Operation Mongoose, Operation 40 (including Porter Goss, Felix Rodriguez, Barry Seal), and others. When Bush became CIA Director in 1976 he appointed Ted Shackley as Deputy Director of Covert Operations. When
Bush became Vice President in 1981, he appointed Donald Gregg as his National Security Advisor.
Kevin Phillips discusses George Bush's "highly likely" peripheral role in the Bay of Pigs events. He points to the leadership
role of Bush's fellow Skull and Bones alumni in organizing the operation. He notes an additional personal factor for Bush: the Walker side of the family (who
initially funded Zapata Corporation) had apparently lost a small fortune when Fidel Castro nationalized their West Indies
Sugar Co. Edwin Pauleywas "known for CIA connections", according to Phillips, it was Pauley who put Pemargo's Diaz and Bush together.
Phillips and others have detailed subsequent involvement by Zapata associates
in the Watergate affair. George Bush, as Richard Nixon's ambassador to the United Nations, allegedly urged his former Zapata partner Bill Liedtke to launder $100,000 to the White House plumbers. After Nixon's 1972 re-election, he appointed Bush as Chairman of the Republican Party National Committee. When the laundering was exposed, those involved included several CIA officials: E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis, Eugenio Martínez, Virgilio González, and Bernard Barker. A discussion of the laundering appears on the Nixon tapes for June 23, 1973.
What evidence do we have?
Look at the pictures of the
motorcade past the grassy knoll.
The third car is LBJ's, yet you cannot see LBJ in the car..
LBJ knew exactly when & where the assassination of JFK would happen.
So LBJ ducked down, onto
the floor boards, 1 minute before the first shot was fired.
When LBJ was asked why he is missing
from the picture, LBJ said, "I had dropped my cuff link & was down on the floor board, looking for my cuff link."
The assassination was a bi-partisan effort.
Who killed Caesar?
was 12 Senators.
See the video: Youtube: paul8kangas
B. JOHNSON JOHN F. KENNEDY and the
AMERICAN COUP D'ETAT
L. Fletcher Prouty & Paul Kangas
On Nov 22, 1963, Lyndon
B. Johnson became President of the United States of America.
On that same date, President
John F. Kennedy was assassinated at Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas.
On Nov 26, 1963, President
Johnson signed a National Security Action Memorandum #273, the highest level national security document, as guidance for future
Vietnam plans and policy. This brief directive most significantly initiated changes reversing Kennedy's Vietnam policy of
NSAM #263, Oct 11, 1963. Kennedy had decreed then that "the bulk of U.S. personnel would be out of Vietnam by the end of 1965."
Strangely, this NSAM #273,
which began the change in Kennedy's policy toward Vietnam, was drafted on Nov 21, 1963...the day before Kennedy died. It was
not Kennedy's policy. He would not have requested it, and would not have signed it. Why would it have been drafted for his
signature on the day before he died; and why would it have been given to Johnson so quickly? Johnson had not asked for it.
On Nov 21, 1963 Johnson had no expectation whatsoever of being President on Nov 26th.
On Nov 29, 1963, President
Johnson met with J. Edgar Hoover, the FBI Director, to discuss the list of names compiled for the commission to investigate
the assassination of John F. Kennedy. These men were: Chief Justice Earl Warren, Chairman; Rep. Gerald R. Ford, R-Mi; Rep.
Hale Boggs, D-La; Sen. Richard B. Russell, D-Ga.; Sen. John Sherman Cooper, R-Ky.; John J. McCloy, New York banker; Allen
W. Dulles, formerly Director of Central Intelligence, Sen. Jacob Javits, D-NY; and General Lauris Norstad, U.S. Air Force.
All were approved to serve on the Commission, except the last two, who for reasons unknown did not serve with that body.
Johnson and Hoover were
old friends who had lived across the street from each other in Washington for the past 19 years. They understood each other.
They needed each other. As recorded in a Memorandum for the Record, written by Hoover on that date and copied for eight of
his senior FBI deputies, Lyndon Johnson, who had been in the third car behind Kennedy in the Dallas motorcade, took advantage
of this first White House meeting to ask his old friend some personal questions that had caused him great concern since the
He asked, "How many shots
were fired?" Hoover told him, "Five." Then Johnson asked, if any had been fired at him? Hoover replied, "No, three shots were
fired at the President and we have them. The President was hit by the second and fifth bullets and the third hit the Governor
(Connally)." (This statement was wrong, e.g. one stray bullet hit a curbstone one and one - half blocks away and a fragment
wounded a bystander. That bullet was a missed shot: therefore it was either number four, or the cause of the contrived theory
about the "Magic" bullet that allegedly hit both men.)
This discussion, between
the two old friends, which took place on Nov 29, 1963 one week after President Kennedy's assassination. Most important.
It reveals the deep concern of President Johnson. He heard bullets pass over-head. He never forgot that sound and its significance.
He had been educated at Dealey Plaza.
In early June 1971, a
few days after the Pentagon Papers appeared in The New York Times, Leo Janos, formerly of the Johnson white House staff,
attended a luncheon in the private dining room of the Johnson Library with the ailing ex-President and other friends. As Janos
reported later, in the ATLANTIC Monthly Magazine of July 1973: "During coffee, the talk turned to President Kennedy, and Johnson
expressed his belief that the assassination in Dallas had been part of a conspiracy. Be never believed that Oswald acted alone,
although he could accept that he pulled a trigger." Johnson followed that with a statement that had the megaton force
of a full size hydrogen bomb. He said, and Janos wrote: "We had been operating a damned Murder Inc. in Dallas."
That was June of
1971. Lyndon Johnson died in January 1973, and this Janos article appeared in July 1973. Since that date, with
those words of,
(1) the man who had established
the Warren Commission itself,
(2) the man who was in
the motorcade behind Kennedy, and
(3) the man who, as President,
became privy to the darkest secrets of the government, ...it should have become clear to everyone by now that Kennedy was
killed as a result of a massive conspiracy by a team of professional killers following a consensual decision from the highest
levels of power in the country, perhaps in the more modern sense...in the world.
Clearly, by late 1963,
the decision had been made that:
had to be deprived of re-election."
had to go."
3. "A Kennedy
dynasty had to be thwarted."
The fact of conspiracy,
underscored by President Johnson himself, makes it clear that the Report of the Warren Commission, which maintains that one
man, Lee Harvey Oswald, with one "mail order" rifle and five bullets killed John F. Kennedy and severely wounded Governor
John B. Connally at Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas, is totally false and contrived.
The Report of the Warren
Commission has been used to provide the life blood of a massive cover-story that has been kept alive by the CIA controlled
media for decades to brainwash generations of Americans and others around the world. It perpetuates the American coup d'etat.
A case can be made for
no conspiracy, when it can be proved that one man acted alone. As soon as more than one man is involved, the senseless act
of a "lone nut" can no longer be used. A conspiracy is evidence of malice and of an evil plan to obtain an objective. This
is the great significance of Johnson's statements. He confirms the conspiracy.
These points are topped
by his belief that "We had been operating a dammed Murder Inc." This fact defines the nature of the crime.
Note Johnson's choice
of words. "We had been operating…" The "We" has to mean the United States Government, or at least an agency or instrumentality
of the government. Further, Johnson underscores that "We had been operating" this murder capability over time. He does not
limit its work to a single event, i.e. the Kennedy murder. He remembers back through the years to the close of the WW II,
at least, to the uncounted times when enemies of the government had been killed by this "Murder Inc." quickly, cleanly and
with precision...and without their apprehension and prosecution by anyone. This is the nature of a government sponsored "Hit
Man" professional operation.
Johnson chose the Mafia
term "Murder Inc." to describe what he meant. This choice of words has great significance. Teams of professional "hit men"
are recruited, trained, equipped and provided with a complex of "real life" identities, by this government, in order that
they may live this strange existence as normal individuals. They are always available for these special duties any where and
against any target. They are skilled automatons who are set in motion by a code system that does not require the identities
of those who have made the "Decision."
Johnson goes one step
further. He calls this unit "Murder Inc." As we know, a corporate body is eternal, if desired. These murder teams belong to
an organization that is, in a special sense, timeless. Such murders are not arranged and carried out on an "ad hoc" basis.
These teams are always ready.
With the above in mind,
let me go a step farther. I don't know whether or not you saw the Oliver Stone film "JFK." I don't know what you thought about
it, if you did. I do know that for the tens of millions around the world who did see the movie, that "Man X - Garrison" scene
on the Mall, near the Vietnam Memorial, was the climax, the awakening.
Those audiences in those
packed theaters began to see, and to believe that the lies and mythology they had been spoon-fed for decades by the government's
Report of the Warren Commission, and by our subservient media was, and still is, false.
With this in mind, it
is time to face reality. What caught their attention was the simple question, "Why?...Why was President John F. Kennedy killed?
To understand the reasons why this decision had been made, we need to take a penetrating look at the Kennedy era. So much
has taken place since then. So much has happened to each one of us since then. We don't remember the details. We have been
misled by the media and by a flood of books that are not true history. Perhaps, we just never knew.
At the time Kennedy was
elected, Nov 1960, I was an Air Force Colonel assigned to the immediate office of the Secretary of Defense, Thomas Gates.
I had been in the Pentagon for six consecutive years. All had been spent as Chief of Special Operations that, in military
terminology, meant, "The support of the clandestine operations of the CIA." I was with Headquarters, U.S. Air Force, 1955-1960,
the Secretary of Defense, 1960-1962 and with the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1962-1963.
Paul Kangas was in Navy Intelligence based in Washington, DC,
as a body guard for President Kennedy. During the 1961 invasion of Cuba, he was transferred to NAS Patuxent River, MD.,
one of the main staging areas for the massive invasion of Cuba. Kangas was in charge of tracking the ships, aircraft
& subs surrounding Cuba for the final push in 1962. JFK made a peace deal with the Russians & the war was over.
Kangas then received orders to Vietnam. JFK then issued NSAM #263 & stopped the Vietnam war in Oct 1963.
World peace was at hand.
The Eisenhower period,
1953-1960, was one of prosperity and featured the build-up of the massive military industrial complex as one of the greatest
concentrations of raw power and enormous wealth in the history of the world.
We should all know Eisenhower's
"Farewell Address" of January 17, 1961, wherein he documented the concentration of power in the Military-Industrial complex:
"The conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total
influence - economic, political, even spiritual - is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the Federal Government.
In the councils of government we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought,
by the military industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist...We
must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted..."
Like Lyndon Johnson, General
Eisenhower was a man who knew. He was telling the American public about things the way they are. The United States had been
involved, covertly, in the warfare in Vietnam & Southeast Asia since September 1945. In fact, VP Nixon had spoke
before the S. Vietnamese Parliament 6 times from 1952 to 1960. We had been involved in Korea since 1945 and in warfare
there during the early fifties.
By the end of the eight-year
Eisenhower/ Nixon era the great powers within and outside the federal government had arranged for the certain transfer of
leadership from Eisenhower to Richard Nixon. They had miscalculated.
Everything had been prepared
for an uninterrupted transfer of that great power to the Nixon era. This "Power Elite" was so certain of electoral success
that major programs such as the make-war Vietnamese operations, the TFX fighter plane procurement project (at an estimated
$6.5 billion it was the largest aircraft procurement project ever devised) and many projects of a similar nature were poised
to come into fruition early in the planned Nixon period in order to continue the flow of hundreds of billions of dollars from
the government to those industries.
that are employed to create "make-war" situations wherever planned had increased in size and frequency during the last years
of the Eisenhower terms under the direction of John Foster Dulles, the Sec. of State and his brother Allen the Director of
At the time of the election,
there was the "on-the-shelf" Cuban/Castro matter, there was the Chinese encroachment in Tibet with the impending threat to
India, there was active trouble in Laos and Vietnam, and the biggest of them all, the rebellion in Indonesia that had failed
in 1958 (in which a Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald had been involved) lay in waiting for another flare-up at the proper time.
These plans, worth hundreds
of billions of dollars in military expenditures were set. They had been prepared for a pliant Nixon, and the experienced administration
he planned to inherit.
Then came the campaign
of 1960. Up from no where came this impossibly youthful, Democratic, Catholic candidate, Senator John F. Kennedy. Yet when
the 66,000,000 ballots had been counted, Kennedy had won by a margin of less than 1/2 of one percent.
As an old-timer in the
Pentagon, I sensed the disappointment and the fury of the incumbents. It happened that on the day before the Kennedy inauguration,
while Washington was being blanketed by a raging blizzard, I was directed to go to Secretary Gates' office just before 5 P.M.
with a last minute item involving the Cuban Exile Training Program (the Bay of Pigs "ZAPATA" project), whose commanding officer
was Geo. HW Bush.
My office was a few doors
down the hall. I arrived at Mr. Gates' office around five to find an enormous crowd of "well wishers" flooding his
office to say "good-bye." His outer office and the corridor were jammed. His secretary smiled as I mentioned my appointment,
looked at the huge crowd in the Secretary's office, and pointed to the door of the deputy's office. He was alone.
I walked in to find an
old friend Jim Douglas. I had been through countless meetings with him over the past years. He smiled as I came in, rose from
his desk and leaned against the window sill looking toward me. Over his shoulders I could barely see the city of Washington
through the swirling snowflakes.
Within a few minutes I
had covered the subject of my business: and then asked permission to add a question. He smiled.
I said, "Mr. Douglas,
ever since the Cuban exile program began earlier this year ~ have briefed you, or Mr. Gates day to day. Tomorrow when I come
in with a similar briefing, may I expect that the new Kennedy men will have been made aware of this subject, or do I have
to read them into the program?"
Mr. Douglas turned slowly
and looked toward the Potomac River and the White House obscured by snow, then turned to me and said, "Prouty, I'll
be damned if know. We haven't met the bastards."
This may have been no
more than an emotional response. I expect it was true. It accurately reflected the feelings of the long term Eisenhower/ Nixon
loyalists who were being removed from their offices by the new Kennedy up-starts...the "Whiz Kids." Both sides had no desire
Such feelings give birth
to pressures at the highest levels that smoldered into flame as the years rolled by.
Shortly after Kennedy
took office, the Bay of Pigs program became a disaster. At the same time he was faced with a major decision concerning Vietnam,
and, following a lengthy and detailed Bay of Pigs investigation by the Cuban Study Group, Kennedy signed one of the most significant
policy directives of his 1,000 day tenure. Yet, it is surprising how few people know about it and how little has been written
about it. How little it is known.
We have all heard that
Kennedy had vowed to
break the CIA into 1,000
But how many have ever
heard how he planned to do it, and what policy he had established to achieve that goal?
In brief, on June 28,
1961, President Kennedy himself signed National Security Action Memorandum #55. This important order was directed solely to
the Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff who at that time was General Lyman Lemnitzer. Its subject, clearly stated, was "Relations
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the President in Cold War Operations." In layman's terminology
"Cold War Operations" meant
Kennedy opened that directive
with memorable words:
"I wish to inform the
Joint Chiefs of Staff as follows with regard to my views of their relations to me in Cold War Operations:
a) I regard the Joint
Chiefs of Staff as my principal military advisor responsible both for initiating advice to me and for responding to requests
for advice. I expect their advice to come to me direct and unfiltered.
b) The Joint Chiefs of
Staff have a responsibility for the defense of the notion in the Cold War similar to that which they have in conventional
I was the officer instructed
to staff this paper, and two others, MSAM 156 and #57; and to brief the Chairman and the Chiefs at their next meeting. First
they were surprised to discover that : this order had been addressed directly to them and was signed by the President. It
had not come through the Secretary of Defense, and had not been sent to other top-level addressees such as the Secretary of
State and the Director of Central Intelligence. This procedure was rare, and meaningful.
Next, they were amazed
to hear that the limits of their lawful
function were being broadened
to include "Cold War Operations." Needless to say these policy statements created a great discussion, and then were sealed
in TOP SECRET files for further analysis and study.
Interpreted as the President
intended, this policy, if carried to its conclusion and not interrupted by his death, would have brought about an enormous
change in the way the Vietnam situation, that from 1945 to 1963, had been under "operational control" of the CIA, would have
been pursued. Without question this new policy was the major stepping stone on the way to Kennedy's promise that "the bulk
of all U.S. personnel would be out of Vietnam by the end of 1965."
This blunt statement of
the Kennedy policy may well have been the ultimate pressure point that created the climate in which the decision was reached
to do away with the President. Another example highlights how his changes impacted on the military industrial complex where
they were the most sensitive.
During the last years
of the Eisenhower era, the Air Force and Navy were deep in plans for new fighter aircraft. The Air Force proposal was for
a swing-wing fighter designated the TFX. The processing of this procurement program had been all but completed during 1960;
but the budget people bowed to Eisenhower's request to stay within the scope of his budget. They moved the project into the
expected Nixon term. Everyone concerned knew that this project was a natural for the Boeing Company and that it would begin
at a 44 billion figure and rise from there. The TFX was on the threshold, along with Castro and Vietnam as the election came
But...Kennedy won. McNamara
entered the office of the Secretary of Defense and Arthur Goldberg, a brilliant political strategist, became the Secretary
of Labor. Between them they came up with a procurement philosophy that would allocate that enormous sum offer money in procurement
to areas that were the most sensitive on the political map a. determined by the Labor Dept'. voting patterns.
McNamara announced a new
round of studies and the bidders wore signaled that their production projects and sub-contractors physical plant locations
should be spread over the most desirable array of county voting districts.
Finally, in November 1962,
after delaying for nearly two years, ~ McNamara announced the TFX award, which by that time included the Navy and its funding,
to the General Dynamics-Grumman team of bidders. Their proposal had been structured to approximate the Goldberg plan.
The shock of that award,
for the reasons mentioned, was terrific. The TFX battle was fought in Congress well into 1963.
This gambit, along with
other changes brought about during the Kennedy, years, created the kind of opposition that is beyond control.
Increasingly, in the Clubs
and Boardrooms of the wealthy, the powerful, the munitions makers...augmented by their bankers and their lawyers, voices began
to rise as they mentioned that "God Damned" Kennedy, and worse. In the halls of the Pentagon, in the CIA and other centrally
effected areas tensions rose.
Finally a consensus coalesced
and from that impersonal initiative a decision was reached.
Those few, who knew the
methodology and the codes, that activated what Lyndon Johnson called "Murder Inc." pushed the button.
The deadly system was
set in motion. Like the deadly Ghurka scimitar, it is never extracted from its sheath without drawing blood.
The time and place was
decided. The intricate and detailed cover story was outlined and made ready, not only for the day of the crime; but for the
years to follow.
cabinet was tricked into going on a junket to Hawaii, on Nov. 20, 1963, so they would be totally out of the picture.
JFK would be totally isolated.
The site was selected
and prepared. The professional team moved into place. The elements of the plan went into effect, the carefully manipulated
motorcade moved into position, and the shots were fired.
All phone lines in Washington,
DC were shut down for 2 hours, as soon as the bullets were fired in Dallas, to allow total control of the story to the CIA
The news media, interrupted
ongoing programs to announce:
"President Kennedy has
been shot dead, gunned down during drive through Dallas."
"Five bursts of gunfire,
apparently from automatic weapons, were heard." (Except for these first moments, this type of gunfire was never repeated.
"Secret Service men immediately
unslung their automatic weapons and pistols." (Also an incorrect statement. )
As special under seas
cable had been installed to Japan & the whole Pacific. It was not used, until one 5 minutes after JFK was murdered.
The first news story transmitted to Japan & the world, via this new cable was “President Kennedy is dead.”
These same words were
flashed around the world. The Thousand Days of the Kennedy era had come to an end.
The great American coup
d'etat had taken place. It was November